Born Again Christians in Trump Admin
For this report, we surveyed half dozen,395 U.S. adults from Feb. iv to 15, 2020. All respondents to the survey are part of Pew Enquiry Eye's American Trends Panel (ATP), an online survey panel that is recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses. This way well-nigh all U.S. adults have a risk of selection. The survey is weighted to be representative of the U.Southward. adult population by gender, race, ethnicity, partisan affiliation, education and other categories. For more, see the ATP's methodology and the methodology for this written report.
Heading into the 2020 election flavour, a new Pew Research Middle survey delves into the relationship between religion and politics, including perceptions about President Donald Trump amid white evangelical Protestants, a key office of his electoral base. Information technology finds that white evangelicals largely see Trump as fighting for their behavior and advancing their interests, and they feel their side more often than not has been winning recently on political matters important to them. But when it comes to Trump's personal qualities and conduct, many limited mixed feelings. Fifty-fifty among this strongly supportive constituency, most practice non view Trump as a very religious, honest or morally upstanding person (though many white evangelicals say he is somewhat religious, adequately honest or adequately morally upstanding).
More broadly, the survey finds that U.Due south. adults prize a president who lives a moral and ethical life more than they intendance most having ane who is religious. More than six-in-ten Americans say it is "very important" to them to have a president who personally lives a moral and upstanding life. By comparison, simply one-in-five say information technology is very important for a president to take strong religious behavior, and even fewer respondents retrieve it is vital for the president to share their ain religious beliefs.
On the whole, Americans intendance more than most having a president who stands up for their religious beliefs than having one who personally shares those beliefs. Roughly seven-in-ten say it is either very (38%) or somewhat (31%) important to have a president who stands up for people with their religious beliefs.
White evangelical Protestants are peculiarly likely to concur this view. 2-thirds of white evangelicals say information technology is very important to take a president who stands up for their religious behavior, about double the share who say it is very important for a president to have potent religious behavior. And white evangelicals say Trump fits the bill: Fully 8-in-ten white evangelical Protestants say that the phrase "fights for what I believe in" describes Trump "very well" or "adequately well," including roughly half who say this describes him "very well."1
Moreover, white evangelical Protestants overwhelmingly experience that the Trump administration has helped (59%) rather than hurt (seven%) the interests of evangelical Christians. And three-quarters of white evangelicals say they agree with the president on "many," "nearly all" or "all" of import issues facing the land.
While white evangelical Protestants generally see Trump as standing upwardly for them, they are less convinced that he personally lives a moral and ethical life or conducts himself admirably. But 15% of white evangelicals say the phrase "morally ethical" describes Trump very well, and well-nigh a quarter say "honest" is a very good descriptor of the president (23%). Nigh i-third of white evangelicals (31%) say they like the way Trump conducts himself as president (aside from his positions on the bug). Fully two-thirds either accept "mixed feelings" well-nigh his conduct (44%) or say they don't like information technology (22%). And simply about one-in-eight white evangelicals (12%) think Trump is a very religious person.
Still, even though relatively few white evangelicals say words and phrases like "morally upstanding" and "honest" depict Trump very well, most say these traits describe Trump at to the lowest degree fairly well. And while only one-in-8 white evangelicals say they think Trump is "very" religious, about half (52%) view him every bit "somewhat" religious.
Compared with white evangelical Protestants, the U.South. public as a whole is far less apt to praise the style Donald Trump conducts himself, or to describe him as even somewhat religious, honest or morally ethical. For example, merely 35% of U.S. adults overall say Trump is either very religious (7%) or somewhat religious (28%); a solid bulk of the general public thinks he is "not too" or "not at all" religious (63%). Also, majorities say that "honest" and "morally upstanding" draw Trump "non too well" or "not at all well." And on residue, Americans are much more than likely to say they dislike (53%) rather than like (15%) the fashion Trump conducts himself, while an boosted three-in-ten say they take "mixed feelings" about his comport.
Beyond all religious groups in this analysis, there is near consensus on one Trump characteristic: Majorities of all groups, including lxx% of white evangelicals, say that "self-centered" describes Trump at least fairly well.
These are among the key findings of a new Pew Research Centre survey conducted February. 4 to 15, 2020, amidst 6,395 U.Southward. adults on the Center's online, nationally representative American Trends Panel. The rest of this Overview looks at these questions and others in greater detail.
Many other white Christians – not merely evangelicals – express affinity for Trump
White evangelical Protestants are not alone in their adoration of Trump. Among other groups of white Christians, smaller merely still substantial majorities also express understanding with Trump's policies and associate him with a number of positive traits, such as intelligence.
For instance, roughly two-thirds of white Catholics say the phrase "fights for what I believe in" describes Donald Trump very well or fairly well, and 68% of white Catholics say "intelligent" is a adequately or very skilful descriptor of Trump. Similar shares of white Protestants who are non built-in-again or evangelical Christians say the same. And more than half of people in both groups say they agree with Trump on many, nearly all or all of the important issues facing the country.
The survey shows, furthermore, that growing numbers in all iii of the largest white Christian groups (white evangelical Protestants, white Protestants who are not evangelical and white Catholics) think that their side has been winning recently on the political issues that matter to them.
Today, 63% of white evangelical Protestants say their side has been winning lately, nearly triple the share who said this in May 2016, six months before Trump's election. The share of white non-evangelical Protestants who recall their side has been winning politically is upwards 19 percentage points over the same period, and the share of white Catholics who think their side has been politically victorious of tardily is 29 points higher today than it was in 2016.
The positive sentiments that white Christians express about Trump and their growing sense that their side has been winning politically largely reflect their political partisanship. In the current survey, 83% of white evangelicals identify with or lean toward the Republican Party, as practice 64% of white Protestants who are non evangelical and 65% of white Catholics.
Meanwhile, religious groups whose partisan leanings favor the Autonomous Political party over the GOP – including Christians who belong to racial and ethnic minority groups, Jews and people with no religious affiliation – are far less admiring of Trump and far more discouraged about how their side has been doing in politics lately.
For case, the share of black Protestants and religious "nones" (those who draw their religious identity as atheist, doubter or "zero in particular") who call up their side has been winning lately on the political issues that thing to them is downwardly considerably since Trump'due south election. Whereas 43% of black Protestants said their side was more often than not winning in May 2016, just 26% say this today. And the share of religious "nones" who think their side has been winning in politics is 13 points lower today than it was in 2016.
In addition, while seven-in-x white Christians say "fights for what I believe in" describes Trump at least adequately well, that perception is shared by just four-in-ten or fewer Jews (39%), religious "nones" (32%), Hispanic Catholics (31%) and black Protestants (27%). Three-in-ten or fewer people in these groups say the terms "honest," "morally ethical" or "even-tempered" describe Trump at least adequately well. Meanwhile, 56% of Hispanic Catholics and vii-in-ten blackness Protestants, Jews and religious "nones" say they think Trump is at to the lowest degree adequately "prejudiced."
Americans tend to run into Christianity declining in influence
While white Christians – and especially white evangelical Protestants – are feeling good about their political prospects, they are not as positive near the status of Christianity in America today. Fully 2-thirds of white evangelicals think Christianity's influence is decreasing in American life. And a similar share of white evangelical Protestants (66%) say in that location is at least some conflict between their own religious beliefs and mainstream American civilisation, including three-in-ten who say in that location is a "great bargain" of conflict.
Why do people feel this way? The survey asked respondents who said Christianity's influence is declining a series of follow-upwards questions to estimate several possible causes for this decline, and the about common reasons cited as "major causes" are growth in the number of people in the U.Due south. who are not religious and misconduct by Christian leaders. But amidst white evangelical Protestants, the most normally cited reason for Christianity'south failing influence is "more permissive attitudes about sexual beliefs and sexuality in popular culture" (see Affiliate 2 for full details).
On the other hand, relatively few white evangelicals say they meet themselves as part of a minority group because of their religious beliefs (32%). And while the prevailing view is that Christianity'south influence in American life is waning, many white evangelical Protestants are more optimistic most the time to come. Indeed, among white evangelicals, there are more people who think Christianity'south declining influence in American life is a temporary change that may reverse itself (39% of all white evangelicals) than there are who call up the organized religion's reduced influence will exist a lasting feature of U.S. society (26%).
Amongst U.S. adults overall, nigh half (53%) think that Christianity's influence is declining, and they are about evenly divided on whether this is a permanent change (27%) or just temporary (24%).
Half of Americans say the Bible should influence U.South. laws
U.S. adults are split over the amount of influence the Bible should accept on the laws of the United States. One-half of the public says the Bible should take a "great deal" or "some" influence over U.S. laws, while the other half says the Bible should have little or no influence on the laws of the state. Support for biblically based laws is highest among white evangelical Protestants (89%) and black Protestants (76%). Information technology is much lower among all other groups analyzed. (See Chapter 2 for details.)
Respondents who say the Bible should have at least some influence on U.S. laws were asked a hypothetical follow-up question: When the Bible and the will of the people conflict with each other, which should have more than influence on the laws of the United States? Overall, 28% of U.S. adults say the Bible should take precedence over the will of the people – including roughly two-thirds of white evangelical Protestants (68%) and half of blackness Protestants who say the Bible should override the will of the people when the 2 conflict. These are two of the most highly religious segments of the U.Due south. population, at least past standard measures such as self-reported rates of prayer and church attendance, though they diverge sharply in political partisanship, with white evangelical Protestants strongly identifying with the Republican Party and black Protestants with the Democratic Party.
The survey did non attempt to gauge what, if whatsoever, specific types of laws respondents had in listen when answering these questions. But to put these figures into context, recent surveys show that 63% of white evangelicals say they oppose allowing gay and lesbian couples to ally legally (which has been permitted nationwide since 2015), 77% say they think abortion should be against the law in well-nigh or all cases, and 61% say they think the Supreme Court should overturn its decision in Roe v. Wade, which legalized abortion nationwide. Among black Protestants, 50% oppose same-sex marriage, only but 35% say abortion should be illegal in almost or all cases, and 28% call back Roe v. Wade should be overturned.
Few Americans think God specifically picked Trump due to his policies
A substantial minority of Americans think that the results of recent presidential elections are broadly office of God's programme for the world. But far fewer believe that God has chosen specific U.S. presidents as an endorsement of their policies.
Overall, merely 5% of U.Due south. adults believe God chose Trump to get president because God approves of Trump'due south policies. An boosted 27% say Trump's victory in the 2016 ballot must exist part of God's overall program, but it does non necessarily mean that God favors Trump's policies. The remaining 2-thirds of Americans either say that God does not become involved in U.S. presidential elections (49%) or that they do not believe in God (16%).
Public opinion about God'southward role in the 2008 and 2012 elections is very similar. Just 3% of U.S. adults say God chose Obama to exist president in 2008 and 2012 because God approved of his policies, 29% say Obama's ballot was function of God's broader plan merely not necessarily an indication that God endorsed Obama'due south policies, and the remainder say either that God does not get involved in elections (49%) or that they do not believe in a deity (xvi%).
White evangelical Protestants and black Protestants tend to think the outcomes of contempo presidential elections reverberate God's will in some mode, mainly in the sense that the elections of Trump and Obama must exist part of God'south overall plan. White evangelicals are somewhat more likely than others to say that God picked Trump due to his policies (13%), while a similar share of black Protestants say the aforementioned well-nigh Obama (xiv%), but these are minority views in both groups.
Republicans more than likely than Democrats to want a religious president
Overall, upwardly of nine-in-ten Republicans and Democrats agree that information technology is at to the lowest degree somewhat important to have a president who personally lives a moral and ethical life, though Democrats and those who lean toward the Democratic Party are more likely than Republicans and Republican leaners to say that this is "very of import" (71% vs. 53%).
Most people in both parties also say they desire a president who stands upwardly for their religious beliefs; on this question, Republicans are more than likely than Democrats to say this is "very important" (47% vs. 30%).
Having a president who is deeply religious or who shares one'southward own religious beliefs is less important to both Republicans and Democrats, but Republicans identify a higher premium than Democrats on both of these qualities. This dovetails with the fact that most religious "nones" are Democrats, and that this grouping has been growing more quickly in the Democratic Party than in the GOP.
Fewer than half of Americans describe Trump'southward organized religion as Christian
President Trump identifies every bit Presbyterian, but virtually Americans do not associate him with Christianity or Protestantism. When asked what Donald Trump's religion is, nearly a 3rd say they think Trump is Protestant and 8% say they think he is Catholic.
Ane-third of U.S. adults (34%) say they aren't sure what Trump's faith is, and an additional 16% say Trump has no religion (that he is atheist or that his religion is "nothing in item"). Much smaller shares say he is Jewish, Muslim or Buddhist. And one-in-twenty Americans (v%) say Trump has some other religion; when asked to specify what they mean, many people in this latter grouping provide caustic responses, proverb they think Trump worships himself, that he worships money or power, that he is a false Christian or someone who only pretends to be religious, or that he is evil.
Republicans and those who lean toward the GOP are twice equally likely as Democrats and their leaners to say Trump is Protestant (47% vs. 23%). Democrats are more likely to think Trump does not have a religion, with one-quarter maxim Trump has no organized religion (including 4% who say he is an atheist and one-in-five who say his religion is "goose egg in particular"), compared with 7% of Republicans who say this.
Overall, more than 6-in-ten Americans (63%) say Trump is either "not too" or "not at all" religious. Only Americans remember differently about the vice president. Most seven-in-ten say Mike Pence is very or somewhat religious, while just 18% say he is not too, or non at all, religious.
Republicans and Democrats accept divergent opinions well-nigh Trump's religiousness: 62% of Republicans think Trump is at least somewhat religious, compared with 12% of Democrats who share that assessment. Simply the partisan gap in opinion virtually Pence is not equally stark. Majorities in both parties say Pence is at least somewhat religious, although Republicans are more probable than Democrats to say this (81% vs. 67%).
On balance, Americans say Trump administration has helped evangelicals, hurt Muslims
The survey asked whether the Trump assistants has helped, hurt or not made much of a difference to the interests of 5 groups: evangelical Christians, Jews, Catholics, Muslims and people who are not religious. Fewer than half of U.Due south. adults call up the Trump administration has helped whatsoever of these groups. Simply more say the Trump administration has helped evangelical Christians than say information technology has helped any of the other groups asked about in the survey (43%). And nearly one-half of U.Southward. adults say the Trump administration has hurt Muslims. Indeed, U.South. adults are seven times more likely to say the administration has hurt Muslims than to say information technology has helped this group (48% vs. seven%).
Americans are somewhat divided on the Trump assistants's bear upon on Jews, with 29% saying Trump has helped Jews, 26% maxim he has hurt this group, and 42% saying he has made no deviation. Jews themselves also are divided on this question: 40% of U.S. Jews say the assistants has helped their interests and 36% say it has hurt them, with fewer maxim information technology has not made much difference (23%). A majority of white evangelical Protestants (57%), meanwhile, say the assistants has helped Jewish interests. Run across Chapter 1 for full details.
Source: https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2020/03/12/white-evangelicals-see-trump-as-fighting-for-their-beliefs-though-many-have-mixed-feelings-about-his-personal-conduct/
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